Ricardo de la Cierva. Torre de la Calahorra Desde joven, confiesa Garaudy, Prometeo es una figura que le ha cautivado siempre. Pero como Lenin, como Gramsci Garaudy es un marxista de pies a cabeza. El gran descubrimiento de Garaudy se cifra en la ocurrencia de convertir las religiones en poderosos motores revolucionarios marxistas: Desde en que contacta con los Illuminati de EE. OTO y Astrum Argentum. Tampoco hay que olvidar que Prometeo tiene muy buena prensa, desde siempre, entre la izquierda.
Los bordiguistas, surgidos en la lucha contra el oportunismo en el seno del viejo Partido Socialista Italiano, se ubicaron en el terreno del antiparlamentarismo y el ultimatismo y se opusieron a la Komintern en los cuatro primeros congresos. Julio Anguita es, en palabras de Garaudy: El pasado que se han propuesto revivir es Al-Andalus. Hoy por hoy, no podemos permitirnos el lujo del altruismo y de la beneficencia a escala mundial. Al principio de nuestra democracia, bien claro se dijo en el primer discurso de apertura de los Tribunales: Y, efectivamente, cuantos renunciaron a exigir el derecho que les debe asistir saben mejor que nadie el sufrimiento que ese abandono les produjo, mientras que en cambio los que combaten a las injusticias duermen muy bien, porque hacen lo que deben.
Este grupo no sabe lo que es tener problemas con la Justicia. Simplemente compra o intercambia favores con los jueces siempre que puede. Los detentadores del Poder Ejecutivo, el siniestro Gran Hermano sobre el que escribiera George Orwell , lo saben, pero no quieren que cunda el ejemplo. Prefieren que seamos seres sin convicciones ni respuestas frente a la arbitrariedad del Poder Judicial.
Y para ello nos mantienen adormecidos con fiestas y entretenimientos de todo tipo. Es la gran estafa de nuestra democracia. Pero la realidad no puede ser sobornada. Acuso al Consejo General del Poder Judicial que archiva la denuncia contra ese juez. Acuso al Tribunal Superior de Justicia que rechaza la querella contra un juez. Acuso al Tribunal Supremo que no sanciona a los componentes del Tribunal Superior de Justicia que no persiguieron a ese juez. Que traten de llevarme a los Tribunales. El Tribunal fue derrotado y los ciudadanos unidos vencieron con el apoyo de la prensa , cuando en los tribunales civiles, anulando el fallo de los militares, dieron el veredicto final: En las grandes tragedias de la vida, quienes se vieron atrapados en ellas y sobrevivieron, adquirieron el compromiso moral de ayudar a la humanidad.
Ni un solo enfrentamiento serio con estos. Publicado por sect aopusdei el 27 de septiembre de El Tribunal Supremo T. El actual sistema por el que se nutre el T. Pero se entiende que este porcentaje puede ser mucho mayor. El control que ejerce el Opus Dei sobre el Poder Judicial mediante sus miembros, que a todas luces anteponen su lealtad al Opus a su deber de velar por el Estado de Derecho, hace que muchos ciudadanos no crean en la justicia y se inhiban de poner denuncias.
Pero este caso descrito es solo la punta de un iceberg. Por todo lo expuesto, podemos concluir que las consecuencias de que el Opus Dei controle el Poder Judicial son entre otras: Expulsar del Poder Judicial a cualquier juez que se atreva a amen azar sus intereses. Publicado por sectaopusdei el 21 de septiembre de Defensa de los derechos de los ciudadanos: Defensa de la legalidad: Las fuertes subidas de impuestos unidas a los gigantescos recortes debieran de haber bajado la deuda y no aumentarla a nivel exponencial.
Velar por la independencia de los Tribunales: Antonio Gorrita Torres y, sobre todo, al Dr. Tamel de Pablos — tameldep ablos hotmail. Pepa Picas y a la FLA. Si fuese cierto lo que dice ahora el Dr. La convivencia de las tres religiones fue muy fecunda. Y en Italia comenzaron a utilizarse a partir del XVI Este hecho, de invitar a R. Considero especialmente grave este hecho, pues el Dr. Muy recientemente, sobre las 11'45 h.
Y la siniestra complicidad sectaria del susodicho Dr. Silvia Ventura apoyada en el falso y siniestro testimonio del Dr. Incluyendo mi coche Talbot, que se encontraba dentro del garaje. Ante esto, fui agredido brutalmente me rompieron casi cuatro costillas y absolutamente vejado, por elementos policiales enviados a tal efecto, por lo que el mencionado abogado D. Como, finalmente, el letrado D. Santiago de Zuloaga , al cual el colombiano Sr. El mencionado letrado D. Al mismo tiempo, tanto mis envidiosos hermanos como el Sr. Por lo tanto, el mencionado Dr. Javier Barraicoa y al abogado A.
Miquel Porter i Moix. El Opus Dei , como el Yunque , funciona -en su intimidad- como una sociedad secreta y se ha infiltrado en el mundo del cine, del periodismo, de las universidades y de la cultura. Por este motivo, de desheredar absolutamente al resto de su familia, la Sra. Que cuando la Sra. Barcelona, 26 de diciembre de Rodrigo Rato, Strauss-Kahn y Lagarde: Este jueves, Rodrigo Rato ha sido detenido.
El fiscal ha acusado al exministro de blanqueo, fraude y alzamiento de bienes. Rodrigo Rato, Strauss-Kahn y Lagard e: Lo cierto es que la imagen del ex director del Fondo Monetario Internacional estaba seriamente afectada. So, if he were asked to respond to Adorno's dictum, Rosencof might just suggest that "after Auschwitz, the use of fantasy has become absolutely indispensable. The novel was written and published many years after Uruguay's transition to democracy in the mid s. The use of the word "fantasy" may be seen as problematic since it is a term which generates a wide range of interpretations and is used in a variety of fields, including psychoanalysis, literature, and film.
However, in this article the words "imagination" and "fantasy" are used interchangeably to refer to things or events which are not based on concrete reality but which exist only in the narrator's imagination. His fantasies help him cope with the absence of human contact as well as his limited memories. Berel Lang is a philosopher who has written numerous works on the interpretation of the Holocaust, including Writing and the Holocaust, Post- Holocaust: Art Within the Limits of History and Ethics.
Use of the appellative "Viejo" is not a rare occurrence in countries such as Argentina or Uruguay where young people use it to refer to or address their father. In general, the word does not have a negative connotation. He coined the term "sites of memory" which has become widely used in the field of memory studies.
Nora's goal was to study the construction of the French past in a manner more appropriate to the postmodern climate of the s, not by focusing only on historically important events and their causes and effects which is commonly done in linear historical narratives , but rather by turning his attention to what he regards as the most outstanding physical and symbolical sites of the French past. These include such divergent entities as museums and monuments, dictionaries, people, and battles.
Works Cited Adorno, Theodor W. Samuel and Shierry Weber. Lo que queda de Auschwitz: El archivo y el testigo. Shame, Literature, and the Memory of the Shoah. Nazism and the ''Final Solution. Nazism and the "Final Solution. Andrew Leak and George Paizis. Las cartas que no llegaron. La escritura o la vida.
Harwood Academic Publishers, The Texture of Memory: Holocaust Memoriais and Their Meaning. El estribillo, por su parte, dice: La denuncia tiene efecto: Y los frailes, quienes "violaban" el recinto sagrado teniendo sexo en el confesionario. En ambos casos la "voz" del soldado establece la conveniencia de su rango para atraer a una mujer y las ventajas que puede tener para ella este emparejamiento. Ello demuestra una moral "conveniente" que resalta ciertos factores de criminalidad y disminuye otros.
En la denuncia aparece una constante: Esta estrategia mantiene impoluta la conciencia del hombre quien, no obstante, enuncia una palabra obscena: La denuncia es efectiva: Los padres de la iglesia son literalmente padres de sus hijos. Y si el pene de los soldados "violaba" a las villas con su presencia, el de los frailes "vio- laba" el recinto sagrado.
Foucault advierte que "la memoria popular reproduce en rumores el austero discurso de la ley" En este sen- tido la performance al igual que la obscenidad refleja a la censura. Cada instancia ofrece fortalezas y fracturas. Santiago de Murcia manuscript of baroque guitar music c.
Sobre el "Padre nuestro" y los "Mandamientos. En la denuncia aparecen treinta y nueve coplas: La denuncia, las circulares administrativas, los testimonios y las ratificaciones se encuentran en el mismo expediente. Los cima- rrones esclavos en fuga establecieron quilombos, palenques y mocambos con los nombres de Mandinga, Matamba o Yanga. Race, Ethnicity and Regional Development Austin: U of Texas P, Denuncias, circulares, testimonios y ratificaciones en el mismo expediente. En la parodia religiosa: Obras citadas Aguirre Tinoco, Humberto. Sones de la tierra y cantares jarochos. Rabelais and His World.
Story, Performance, and Event: Contextual Studies of Oral Narrative. Le bonheur de vivre en enfer. Maren Sell Editeurs, Ediciones del Norte, Yet, less tban seventy-two hours later, Rosa unexpectedly died of a beart attack in bis apartment in Rio de Janeiro. As a result, only four days after tbe autbor's induction, a third speecb would take place. To borrow from the memorialist Maureen Murdock that "[a]n individual memory becomes the repository of a familial or cultural memory" , these three works dredge deep currents within Brazilian history, geography and identity as they seek to find suitable national symbols for representing death in the ABL.
Originally modeled after its French counterpart, the ABL memorializes, through election, those Brazilian authors whose works have been perceived as being of national consequence: The ABL envisioned itself as a society capable of classifying the parameters by which literature and language could accompany politicai and economic developments. Along with being founded contemporaneously with the organization of the First Republic, the early members of the ABL also witnessed the unprecedented economic growth of, and immigration to, southeastern Brazil.
Likewise, Joaquim Nabuco, at the same session, proposed that: Thus, it was proposed by its founders that, aithough the ABL should be a function of the national project, it should not be subject to coeval politicai troubles. Bhabha, Machado suggests that the ABL should not be grounded in any specific literary school or politicai movement, but be grounded in the "nation as a symbolic force" 1.
This symbolic role of the ABL in proposing an immutable con- stancy in the face of politicai change is no more evident than in the manner by which the institution has glorified its deceased members while maintaining control over the admission of new ones. In the ABL, there is a constant membership of forty Brazilian writers, correspond- ing to an equal number of available chairs.
In order for a new writer to be elected into one of the forty chairs, a current one must first pass away. The seat then becomes available for a successor to assume occupancy and take his place in the literary society. For this reason, he was deemed by the ABL as Machado's appropriate suc- cessor. Lafayette accepted the invitation, but for unknown reasons he refused to deliver the traditional "Discurso de posse" that would have praised Machado's Ufe and work.
Years later in , the Academy would still feel that too little had been done to memorialize their first president. In the words of Jeffrey D. Needell, the predominant concept among the members of the Academy at its founding was that "national literature was the nation's soul, memory, and conscience" As demonstrated by this example with Machado, when a member of the ABL dies, the society attempts to affirm through sym- bolic discourse the assurance of that writer's place within the national canon of literary "immortals. Not only would Rosa be glorified through Athayde's speech just after his death, the whole affair was shrouded in death-both symbolic and real.
Death, in this sense, instead of being the antithesis of hfe, represents the final step in a social process by which one's life takes on coUective significance for the survivors. Four days later, Athayde's speech would be no less symbolic. In order to provide "proof" of the writer's immortality, the com- memorative speeches surrounding Rosa's death align themselves with important national symbols. Although its construction is most directly associated with the Kubitschek presidency, Brasilia is a national symbol that is greater than the period in which it was created.
Brasilia, similar to the empty chairs in the ABL, is a physical location continually re occupied by successive politicai representatives. Death brings to the forefront this paradox since, according to Derrida, it is an ambiguous cultural and biological event that imposes a limit The limit imposed by death is reflected at the borders of nations and cul- tures.
As those who write the nation cross the border of death, there is space for what Derrida calis the "possibility of the impossible" And the question of limits articulated [. The next two sentences in the passage read: In this way, writing becomes an "unfinished" act that, like death, has limitless rhetorical possibilities. This erasure of borders is needed to express a parallel between the "absolute" individual and the infinite nation.
As these writers transform themselves discursively into "efeitos regionais," Rosa's speech not only proposes an eternal connection between writing and Brazil, but also elides the politicai, cultural, and even geographic differences found within its territory. As they become the loci for national metonymy, Rosa and Neves amass cultural weight transformed from writers of the nation into writers-as-the-nation, replacing Brazil's physical borders with a limitless metaphysicality.
Or rather, as long as Rosa and Neves remain "perene," so does Brazil. Concerning the new inductee's literature, Arinos suggested: This mythical 80 joshiia Alma Enslen narrative process is linked with the sociality of death to the degree that Diadorim's heroic yet violent death becomes capacitated to transform the Hving. Thus, for Arinos, writing death "unifica a diver- sidade e assegura a continuidade" Erasing the inequalities not only between nations, but also between "men" and "women" everywhere, the symbol of death multiplies the image of Diadorim into an endless expression however imaginary it may be of the eternal solidarity of ali humankind.
This relationship between the religious and the literary evokes a Romantic image of "artists as special people and art as sacred" Kernan As Academias, como tantas outras coisas, precisam de antiguidade. Thus, in order for the nation's scholarly dead to be transfig- ured into national symbols, these discourses must impose upon their bodies metaphysical attributes of religious, topographic and literary entities for which death poses no threat of dissolution.
As a prophet for the nation, Athayde expresses the author's "absolute" greatness while also embodying the infinite greatness of Brazil, depicted as a personified being mourning the loss of one of its most celebrated authors. Years before the founding of the ABL, Machado de Assis had already contemplated the importance of writing in sustaining a national project when in "Instinto de Nacionalidade" he suggested how, through criticism, Brazilian literature "[.
Death is an important mechanism by which the ABL has asserted the national importance of literature. Where the politicai borders provide the blueprint, these speeches surrounding Rosa's induction into "immortality" provide the suitable magma for expression. In particular, these three ABL speeches set the nation into perpetuai motion as they write and rewrite Brazil's eternal rejuvenation through symbolic dis- course and death. All antiquated Portuguesa orthography has been modernized.
Although this article deals primarily with the articulation of death as it proposes the ABL's imagined infiniteness as a parallel with that of the nation, many of the ideas herein on the role of writing in constructing an "eternal" nation are indebted to Nation and Narration edited by Homi K. Bhabha as well as Benedict Anderson's Imagined Communities. Emphasis appears in the original. Speaking of the religiosity of writing in association with "the advent of America, and of science and democracy," Whitman writes: English orthography has been modernized.
The italics appear in the original. Works Cited Anderson, Benedict. Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. Routledge and Keegan Paul, An Essay in Phenomenology and Feminist Theory. Werner Hamacher and David E. Academia Brasileira de Letras, The Death of Liter ature. Machado de Assis, Joaquim Maria. Melo Franco, Afonso Arinos de. On Memoir and Memory. Academia Brasileira de Letras. The Library of America, Summoning the Dictatorship in "Mnemonic Interventions" Alexandra Falek New York University How do contemporary writers in Uruguay evoke the civil-military dictatorship in recent fictional narratives?
What do these narratives indicate about the workings of memory in post-dictatorship society? This article considers these questions by analyzing three recent fictional narratives from one post-authoritarian country in which there are ongoing legal, politicai, and social debates about memory and cultural expression with regard to the dictatorship period. The article contributes a reflection on remembrance and recognition of the dic- tatorship "past" in narratives that make use of a mnemonic practice: The narratives studied here bring together concerns that stretch from Uruguay during the dictatorship into the present, The presence of the interventions in recent Uruguayan narratives is significam in a country in which the dictatorship, and its unresolved issues, are still at the forefront of the politicai and social consciousness of many citizens.
XXXVl Forms o f Memory in Recent Fictional Narratives from Uruguay 87 dictatorship by naming some aspect of the period in a direct reference, exposing it, making it visible. The presence and function of the mne- monic interventions illuminate continuities between the dictatorship and the present. In post-dictatorship Uruguay, closure of the events of the dictatorship has not yet been possible.
While some individuais, who are responsible for politicai violence, repression, and human rights abuses, have been tried and convicted, criticai Information about the military forces' activities during the dictatorship has not yet been disclosed. With his new administration, he established an official dis- course based on denial and forgetting with regard to the immediate past. The administration promoted an environment of amnesia, which influenced citizens to "move forward.
El miedo de saber nos condena a la ignorancia; el miedo de hacer nos reduce a la impotencia. Ahora la democracia, que tiene miedo de recordar, nos enferma de amnesia; pero no se necesita ser Sigmund Freud para saber que no hay alfombra que pueda ocultar la basura de la memoria. In the newly established democracy this fear was also present, as Galeano suggests above, most evidently in relation to efforts by citizens, artists, and some politicai activ- ist groups to openly talk about the dictatorship and to begin to demand accountability regarding both detained and missing Uruguayans.
Many attempts to bring the dictatorship into public debate were doomed to be "swept under the rug," as Galeano suggests above. La democ- racia fue respuesta [. The Armed Forces would be free from taking ownership for its crimes. Ni a usted ni a nadie" The months leading up to the final vote were marked by intense debates. Government officials encouraged ratification, convincing Uruguayans that sustaining the Law was the "healthiest" politicai strategy for the country and its citizens since it would allow everyone to "move forward.
They warned citizens that voting to revoke the Law could result in the return to an atmosphere of repression, violence, censorship, and fear. In this envi- ronment laden with confusing messages, the majority of Uruguayans voted for ratification, indefinitely extending the Law. Today, almost twenty years since the referendum, former military officials continue to deny responsibility and to withhold pertinent information with respect to the dictatorship. Confidential information about what happened to these people continues to distress the victims' friends, families, and communities.
The missing persons, or desaparecidos, are constantly remembered and commemorated by Uruguayans who persist in their efforts to turn years of denial into recognition. After carrying the burden of the dictatorship for years, many citizens continue to demand accountability. One way of doing this is to publicly remember the "presence" of the desaparecidos. In the gesture of remembering and evoking the desaparecidos, citizens challenge the fact that those who are to blame for the disap- pearances have not yet taken ownership of their actions. The particular transitional politics in Uruguay marked by denial and forgetting left countless issues unresolved — namely the lack of accountability and the necessity to disclose relevant information — issues that continue to foment anxieties about memory, knowledge, and the events of the dictatorship.
In this context, it may not be surprising that aspects of the dictatorship period continue to surface in cultural production. This arricie deliberares one way that the resurfacing of historical events occurs in fictional narratives published 90 Alexandra Falek during the last eight years in Uruguay.
Mnemonic interventions, as a particular form of memory, provide an important way to engage remnants of the past in the present. I have developed this concept of "mnemonic interventions" as a way of naming a phenomenon that may be found in a wide range of cultural production including film, literature, theatre, and other visual arts, in Uruguay and in other post- dictatorship societies.
Let us consider the concept and significance of a mnemonic intervention more closely. I propose "mnemonic interventions" as an analytical tool for read- ing certain narratives, in order to open them up to cultural analysis. An understanding of the concept of mnemonic interventions and the ways that they function in recent fictional narratives is crucial for broadening the established spaces for memory and knowledge of the period.
The established spaces include the March of Silence, the contin- ued publication of testimonial and scholarly narratives about the period, popular music, and other cultural production that engages the dictator- ship. Mnemonic interventions, like these other spaces for memory, have a strong mnemonic utility for citizens that choose to engage them. Mnemonic interventions in some recent cultural production contribute to the possibility of a more complex understanding of the dictatorship. A mnemonic intervention calis forth, or cites a "remain" from the dictatorship.
The English word "remain" comes from the Latin "'remanere" from re- expressing intensive force and ''manere'" to stay. In the narratives studied in this arricie, the traces of the dictatorship manifest themselves as remains, as aspects of the dictatorship that have not yet been resolved. PoUak, Benedetti, and Fontana inscribe these remains into their texts by means of a summons: In some ways, citation is similar to representation as a strat- egy that "instigates remembrance" as Huyssen suggests above, by engaging and maintaining contact with the dictatorship period. Yet conceptually, representation and citation are distinct and function differently.
A citation is unlike representation in that it is not a "repro- duction in some manner. A citation emphasizes the idea of a summons or a mention. Its presence in a narrative illustrates the possibility for engaging the dictatorship without taking on the trauma model 92 Alexandra Falek commonly used to approach literature and cultural production related to the dictatorship and its repression. And its purpose is to cali attention to the dictatorship, by naming it, contributing to a larger mnemonic register of the dictatorship period.
Especially today, when younger Uruguayans come to learn about the dictatorship mostly through mediated memories and mediated Information, mnemonic interventions are a narrative concept that presents a way into remem- brance, acknowledgement, and awareness. Perhaps they may also provide stimulation for politicai or social action with regard to the many unsettled matters of the dictatorship period.
Pollak's Malezas and Benedetti's "El diecinueve" exemplify a mnemonic intervention that takes the form of a ghost. She observes that ghosts act "as the traces of those who have not been allowed to leave a trace Derrida's for- mulation , and are by definition the victims of history who return to demand reparation" While Labanyi's work examines the post- Franco period in Spain — a different context from post-dictatorship Uruguay — her discussion of ghosts in Spanish society after Franco is relevant to this examination of ghosts and remains of the dictatorship in contemporary Uruguayan society.
There are striking similarities between the transitions to democ- racy in Spain and in Uruguay, such as the strong rhetoric of "moving forward," and the continued absence of justice and recognition at the State level. In both countries, the newly established democratic administrations worked carefully to shirk responsibility for the crimes of the authoritarian regime, insisting on denial and forgetting rather than accountability and justice. Some of the effects that this had in each country were a rapidly decreasing perception and confidence of the country for many of its citizens, a heightened sense of a crisis of competence at the state level, and a slow, but ongoing, emergence of the unresolved issues in many realms of society.
Labanyi turns to Derrida's notion of haunting — "hauntology" — used to explore the ghostly afterlife of Marxism after the death of Forms of Memory in Recent Fictional Narratives from Uruguay 93 Marxism. Labanyi draws from Derrida's reading for her analysis of hauntology and ghosts in Spanish society. And I turn to both of these criticai works to explore mne- monic interventions in recent narratives, as they evoke a similar notion of "ghostly afterlife.
La batalla de Lepanto cruzada, guerra santa e identidad confesional. Rivero Rodríguez, Manuel, · Save to Lists · Login to SaveManage List. Our deepest thanks also go to the UCLA Department of Spanish and on a project that he hoped would be a Cuban versión of the classic film Casablanca. . el ciego de Bonn, el sordo de Lepanto, el manco maravilloso, el autor de ese Volver, rodada por Pedro Almodóvar en , relata las historias de madres e.
The ghost's unsettling appearance functions as a persistent reminder of the still-unresolved issues related to the dictatorship. Labanyi writes, "Ghosts can be placated only if their presence is recognized" The specter in the narratives "appears" in order to demand recognition and acceptance, making a space for itself in the present. Let us first examine a scene from Maria PoUak's Malezas: Entonces es del No me digas que no reconoces a Azul. No, la verdad es que no me acordaba. No es el momento de hablar de eso.
While Ofelia knows that "something strange happened" to Azul, Lea does not recognize her, as nobody in the family has ever spoken about her.
Azul, who has been standing next 94 Alexandra Falek to her cousins without their seeing or sensing her spectral presence , stands off to the side of the stage and begins to recount the story of what happened the night that the photograph was taken. Azul's cousin Dulce — one of only three women at the party who can "see" and "talk to" Azul — stands beside Azul, joining in with the other cousins while each woman on stage takes a turn in narrating the events of that night, each one recounting it from her point of view.
That night marked the beginning of many years of silence and detachment in the family. The family would be forever distanced by what happened, by Azul's disappearance, by Uncle Ricardo's involvement in her disap- pearance, and by the repressive atmosphere that permeated society over the next twelve years. Azul's spectral appearance at the party is the first time that she has "visited" her family since the night that she was kidnapped.
The night of the party Azul has "come back" after thirty years "to do" something: Derrida explains that a specter comes back "to do" something: The one who disappears appears still to be there, and his apparition is not nothing. It does not do nothing" Azul "personifies" this specter who has returned "to do" something specific.
Of the three women who are aware of Azul's presence and can "see" her — Dulce, Ducle's daughter Catalina, and Irma, the grand- mother's unfriendly and straight-faced caretaker who has been part of the family since the time that Azul and Dulce were young girls — it is Irma who resists Azul the most.
She knows specific details about what happened the night that Azul was kidnapped, yet she has never shared this with anybody in the family. As such, she is the first to "sense" Azul's presence, and the one who most denies it. Catalina can "see" Azul, yet she does not know her and therefore cannot "recognize" her. Irma, however, does engage Azul in a conversation just before the guests arrive.
She seems nervous that Azul has appeared, telling her that it is not in Azul's best interest that she has "come back. After a few more words and the first guest's arrival, Irma warns Azul not to enter the house. Irma strongly denies Azul's spectral pres- ence, as she continues to deny history. She seems especially obstinate in her denial of Uncle Ricardo's comphcity in Azul's disappearance, and of her knowledge of this complicity.
It is not until the third scene that Dulce "sees" Azul. The two cousins are in the backyard: Dulce has come to cut roses for her grandmother. She is surprised to see Azul, yet accepts her immedi- ately. Within seconds they are conversing as if they have been there together forever, as if Azul had never become an unexplained absence. Dulce confesses that fourteen years ago she found Azul's diary, and that today she was going to reveal a "secret" to her cousins. She was finally going to expose the fact that Uncle Ricardo was involved in Azul's disappearance.
She says to Azul, "Les voy a contar lo que dice el diario. Al fin de cuentas son nuestras primas [. Azul is quick to correct her, remarking that they "were" friends and cousins, that things are dif- ferent now after so many years of denial and forgetting. Dulce gives her reasons for having taken so long to tell the cousins about the diary and the family secrets: She had been afraid then, and that fear had never gone away: In a later scene, Catalina finds the diary and devours the pages of her aunt's reflections. Catalina knows that the "leyenda familiar" about Azul is marked more by lies than facts.
Just after this quarrel between Irma and Catalina, Azul makes an "appear- ance" before Catalina. Yet Catalina has never met her and believes that she is a friend of Irma's. Some of the cousins claim not to remember Azul. Others, like Ofelia and Lea, were very young when she disappeared. None of them have acknowledged what happened to her. Dulce welcomes and accepts her, recognizing her spectral presence. She is ready to talk about what happened, ready to live with this ghost. Her acceptance 96 Alexandra Falek is similar to Derrida's proposal to keep ghosts close, and allow them to come back.
He writes that "one must not chase away" or forget what he calis "untimely specters" because forgetfulness, he writes, "will engender new ghosts" Irma, on the contrary, shuts Azul out as something frightening, and tries to forget her. Irma opens herself to Derrida's idea of the engendering of new ghosts: Azul allows the living, her family members, to have their space in the present. She does not insist, and she does not make demands, as the ghost in Benedetti's story "El diecinueve" does.
Azul leaves her cousins "in peace," even though they refuse to recognize their past. Yet she does not go away, but instead makes a space for herself in the present too. Malezas is one of the most recent — and one of the few — theatrical performances written in Uruguay to evoke the dictatorship period and its impacts on families, society and daily life, thirty years after the return to democracy. It calis spectators' atten- tion to the still-uncertain status of disappeared Uruguayans, and to the continued denial and injustice with regards to the dictatorship.
Azul's spectral presence forces Irma to acknowledge the continuity between the dictatorship and what Rico calis the democratic "now. Pollak's recent play is similar to Benedetti's story "El diecinueve" in that it is a reminder and a commemoration of still-unaccounted-for Uruguayans, and still-unrecognized crimes. Diecinueve in "El diecin- ueve" and Azul in Malezas are ghosts that have "come back" for the first time after more than twenty years. Both narratives communi- cate a critique of the still extant Law of Impunity.
In both narratives, a mnemonic intervention is present in the form of a ghost. Pollak and Benedetti conjure specters from the dictatorship, situating the inter- ventions in an environment of anxiety in the present. The specters in both narratives have come back "to do" something: In order to carry out these objectives, Diecinueve and Azul make a spectral appearance, breaking through the surface of the narrative in a mnemonic interven- tion, demanding acknowledgement from those they have come to visit and addressing the unfinished business.
In Benedetti's story, Diecinueve is the specter of a desaparecido who, like Azul, performs the above-discussed functions of a citation: It tells the story of Farias, a Uruguayan military officer, torturer and death flight operator during the dictatorship, and Diecinueve, an Argentine citizen and supposed "subversive" militant during the same period. Diecinueve does not have a proper name other than the number assigned to him before he was thrown to his death from a plane — like many Argentine and Uruguayan citizens during the dictatorships — into the Rio de la Plata, the river that forms part of the border between Argentina and Uruguay.
Farias desperately wants to believe that Diecinueve is just a ghost in his imagination, a ghost that has appeared to cause trouble, and therefore must be avoided and denied. However, Diecinueve insists 98 Alexandra Falek that he is not a ghost, and that against ali odds, he survived the fali from the plane that was meant to kill him. Diecinueve wanders into the narrative and into the life of his former torturer. He has appeared in order "to do" something: Diecinueve has come back to remind Farias that he is still "there" and that Farias must accept him and admit his presence: He also wants Farias's family to "see" him.
Diecinueve promises to not tell them who he "really" is, yet he knows that their "seeing" him will further confirm the "reality" of his presence. Farias tries to keep his calm and "invites" Diecinueve into his house, introducing him as a friend. Meanwhile Farias continues to convince himself that Diecinueve is just a ghost. Did he really not drown in the ri ver with the others? Shortly after, Farias escorts Diecinueve to the front gate and breaks into tears, clearly shaken by his unexpected "visitor.
But these words do not make Diecinueve go away. Al fin me has convencido. Pero a ella no le digas que soy un fantasma, porque no te lo va a creer" Farias cannot compre- hend Diecinueve's appearance: Yet insisting on his presence is the work that Diecinueve has come to do. By making a space for himself in the present, he forces Farias to remember, and to "deal with" him again. After so many years of denial and silence.
Farias is deeply unsettled by Diecinueve's sudden "appearance. Yet, as Derrida writes, "the more life there is, the graver the specter of the other becomes, the heavier its imposition. And the more the living have to answer for it" Diecinueve's appearance, or "imposition" as Derrida states, is both "grave" and "heavy" for Farias. What he most loathes is Diecinueve's demand that he "answer" for his past crimes. Diecinueve expects acknowledgement from Farias, who now has to "answer for the dead, to respond to the dead," as Derrida writes.
Like Azul in Malezas, Diecinueve is a specter that summons the dictatorship, stimulating remembrance and acknowledge- ment as a remain that persists in being. Like Irma in Malezas, Farias rejects Diecinueve, trying to absolutely avoid and to refuse this ghost who has wandered back into his life. After so many years of impunity, forgetfulness and denial. Farias, like Irma in Malezas, has opened himself to Derrida's idea of "engendering new ghosts" The more Farias tries to deny Diecinueve by pushing him away, the more likely other specters from his dark past will also make themselves present.
As we have seen, a mnemonic intervention can take the form of a specter — as in Malezas and "El diecinueve" — that functions as a trigger, making what remains of the dictatorship visible for both pro- tagonists in the narrative and for readers. He does not name "exciting" things. Instead, he narrares the predictable characteristics that are the lifeline of the town, such as the weekly dances in the main plaza.
By using the imperfect, "no se iban," with the infinitive, "a terminar," Miguel insinuates the probability of a future action, emphasizing that at one time nobody in town thought that anything could disrupt the Alexandra Falek regularity of these dances. By using this grammatical construction, he intimates that the dances are indeed about to come to an end. Even this seemingly unchangeable weekly dance was about to undergo a major transformation in ways that nobody could have expected. He remembers a particular dance: Miguel's memory of this dance conjures up a specific event that took place on a particular Sunday in His summons of this dance is significant for three reasons.
First, it was the last dance that was held in town before the Golpe in Second, the dance took place after Pacheco Areco had been to town at the height of his electoral campaign. These details establish both the familiarity and the importance of the dances. He does not remember exactly when the rumor began, but his memory of this shocking rumor, an abrupt change in his previously unevent- ful life, is unmistakably linked to this last dance before the Golpe. His memories of this dance function as a catalyst for recollecting other drastic events that occur in the town during this same period.
Many things begin to change just after the dance: Miguel narrares three events that he remembers from this turbulent period, two of which are dis- cussed here. As each one transpires, news and rumors about them travei quickly from one neighbor to the next. The town's inhabitants seem unprepared to react or respond to these unprecedented events.
Each event that Miguel narrates is a mnemonic intervention in that it cites a specific aspect of the chang- ing social environment before and during the dictatorship. This shocks the town for two reasons. Second, the town's inhabitants have never witnessed or heard of a birth of such an anomalous creature. The rumors begin to fly: People stop in the middle of the street to talk about what has happened, just to say it out loud.
The town's inhabitants had to take care of themselves and their families first. They had to contain their own fears and circumstances, afraid to talk to the neighbors yet desperate to understand what was occur- ring in their town. After all, the baby has two heads. He must ask for advice from the archbishop, who tells him to consult a book published in Palermo in , hoping to clarify the proce- dures for such an exceptional circumstance.
But the baby dies before there is time for even one baptism. The perplexity amongst the clergy resembles the general puzzlement of the town's inhabitants. Everybody seems intrigued yet disgusted. Unusual events have begun to transpire in this quiet and-uneventful-place, forever agitating the calm tediousness that previously characterized life in this town.
Two weeks after Eloisa gives birth to her monstrous baby, Maria Elvira dehvers Siamese twins. Like Miguel's memory of the impact of the two-headed baby, this memory conjures up a specific event that takes place after the last dance. The memory corresponds to another phenomenal occurrence. Maria Elvira's Siamese twins are unlike ali others: Both mothers must bury their babies within the first month of life. Miguel refers to the birth of the Siamese twins as a "live metaphor" of the times: Here Miguel cites the dictatorship by both criticizing and naming the imprisonment and torture carried out by the military.
This second unparalleled occurrence that has shocked his town again echoes the repressive and violent atmosphere of the country under dictatorship. As noted earlier, the news of the Siamese twins, like ali news during this period: Miguel repeats this comment frequently, and in each repetition, the image of the quickly spreading rumors gains intensity.
There are so many rumors about the grotesque births in this town that the news eventually reaches the capital city: Again, Miguel directly cites the dictatorship, here by naming Bordaberry, who executed the Golpe in , and again. Up to this point. Forms of Memory in Recent Fictional Narratives from Uruguay he has evoked numerous aspects of the dictatorship without describing or representing it reaUstically. He summons the dictatorship, names the problems, and then continues where he had left off. He cites the dictatorship by naming the new and now indefinite presence of the soldiers in town, their inexpH- cable actions, and the seemingly uncontroUable freedom with which they carry out their "business.
On a literal levei it is not hard to imagine how these events have both paralyzed and disturbed the town. The oblivion that Miguel names also refers to the denial and forgetting, or amnesia, so actively encouraged by Sanguinetti's government just after re-democratization, which intended to move the country forward after so many years of violence and repression.
For Miguel and the other astounded inhabitants in town, the period during which these unprecedented events take place seems end- less. And then finally, in one more unexpected turn in the narrative, Miguel informs readers of his complicity in the bizarre events. Nobody had ever suspected that Miguel — or anybody in particular — would take ownership for these occurrences that so drastically disturbed the town. Miguel has kept silent for ten years, never once admitting responsibiiity or disclosing information with respect to the events.
He has refused to recognize his involvement, living unbothered amongst his neighbors. His silence echoes the prolonged silence of former repressors and coUaborators of the dictatorship in Uruguay. What might we think about Fontana's fascination with physical defects and "monstrous" deformities in the story?
Not only do these peculiar creatures have physical defects, they ali die prematurely. We can read the physical defects as a metaphor for the dangers and social crisis brought on by the state imposed by violence and repres- sion. The dictatorship regime caused distortions and deformities, among citizens, among families, among communities, and within the nation as a whole. Momentous changes have profoundly and permanently shocked Miguel's small town, greatly disrupting its routine activities and social structures.
The uncanny events do not reproduce the dictatorship period, yet they directly cite it, as with Alexandra Falek Miguel's naming of Bordaberry and Pacheco Areco. While some read- ers may not recognize the allegory of the aspects of the dictatorship and the transition, readers from Uruguay will be aware of this impHcit association made identifiable by Fontana.
The story has its strongest impact by citing the dictatorship in mnemonic interventions, that is, by making aspects, memories, and information of the dictatorship present and "visible. Many early post-dictatorship narratives made use of the explicit mode of direct representation by realistically describing the everyday fear, loss, violence, and repression common during the dictatorship.
For Uruguayans that do not have personal memories of the dictatorship and that learn about this period through mediated information, fictional narratives that cite the dictatorship by means of mnemonic interventions provide an accessible space for memory and awareness. This is not to say that the interventions will provide readers with personal memories if they do not already have them, as this is an impossible endeavor.
Rather, the interventions contribute to a mnemonic register, to an evolving cultural memory, by imparting information, awareness, and fictionalized memories in the narratives. Mnemonic interventions bring readers into direct contact with the dictatorship. Perhaps readers of these narratives do not expect to come upon this kind of reference, as they might expect in a testimonial narra tive.
Perhaps readers may not know what "to do" with this refer- ence, or mnemonic intervention, should they decide "to do" anything with it at ali. The ways that readers respond to these narratives will vary according to their relationship to the dictatorship, and they will also have important implications for how they think about the dicta- torship in the present, a constantly evolving process.
Since the return to democracy in Uruguay, there has been an ongo- ing debate regarding the ways that citizens remember and discuss the dictatorship in the public sphere. Some people concur with the need Forms o f Memory in Recent Fictional Narratives from Uruguay for continued debates and inquiries about the dictatorship. Others are resolute in their appeals to leave discussions about the dictator- ship behind.
This polarization is especially relevant among younger Uruguayans born in the aftermath of the dictatorship, some of whom know httle about this period. The narratives studied have a mnemonic utihty: What is important is the pres- ence of the mnemonic interventions in the narratives, as they offer a space for readers to engage, on some levei, the dictatorship and its criticai presence in contemporary life. Many of the first post-dictatorship works published in the late s and during the s were based on the personal testimonies of first hand and secondary accounts of torture, and detention.
I include only a few here: Fernando Butazzoni, El tigre y la nieve Barcelona: Bordaberry served a short prison sentence seventy-two days begin- ning in November , in Central Prison No. Under Arricie 4 of the Law of Impunity, investigating what happened to detained and disappeared Uruguayans in Argentina is allowed. The incarceration of Bordaberry and Blanco in is one example of this category of investigation. They secured the , signatures required to cali a referendum in which citizens would be able to vote to annul or to ratify the Law.
Another difference between the short story and the movie regards the question on the capacity of the photos to explain what the main character witnesses. Finally, another Afro-Cuban musical number brings the dramatic scene of the attack on the presi- dential palace to a fever pitch. No single page of the book presents a photo that documents the effects of the atroci- ties committed in the concentration camp. Somos una milicia y luchamos contra los perversos enemigos de Dios y de la patria. Y lo mismo ha pasado con el Sr.
The referendum was ratified with the Yellow vote, indefinitely preserving the Law of Impunity. There was an impressively high turnout of voters Ediciones de la Banda Oriental, that voters from the interior provinces — who had suffered less repression during the dictatorship than those living in Montevideo, and who greatly feared any kind of military backlash — overwhelming voted Yellow.
Luis Roniger discusses the details of the Law of Impunity and the referendum in Luis Roniger, "Olvido, memoria colectiva e identidades: Uruguay en el contexto del Cono Sur," La imposibilidad del olvido: Recorridos de la memoria en Argentina, Chile y Uruguay, comp.
Ediciones al Margen, For example, the remains of communist militant Ubagesner Chaves Sosa were "found," identified, and buried in the Cemetery del Buceo in Montevideo in It should not be overlooked that recent developments and "new" Information such as the "discovery," or acknowledgment, of human remains of a number of desaparecidos has caused a flurry of new investigations of the dictatorship period. In March human rights groups demanded the need to challenge the unconstitutionality of the Law of Impunity.
Approximate numbers of disappeared persons suggest in Uruguay, 30, in Argentina, and 11, in Chile. Translation is my own. Rico suggests that two of the effects that are resulting from the dynamics of social and politicai authoritarianism from to are: Jacques Derrida, Specters o f Marx: Kiev, written by Sergio Blanco and directed by Mario Ferreira is a more recent play about the dictatorship, performed in by the Comedia Nacional in Montevideo.
Areco was elected president in and implemented the beginnings of the politicai, economic, and social repression that was solidified with the Golpe. An example of this kind of realistic representation is the intensely descriptive novel El tigre y la nieve by Fernando Butazzoni. See Note 1 for more examples. With regard to the disclosure of "new" information: For example, Uruguayans now know about the death flights operated by the Argentine and Uruguayan military, in which leftist, and citizens considered to be a "subversive" threat to the dictatorial regime were pushed to their death in the Rio de la Plata.
And they, also, now know about Plan Condor in which dictators from Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay, and Uruguay collaborated together, sharing intelligence in their efforts to rid their countries of the supposed dissident guerillas. Bordaberry and Blanco's recent imprisonment was the result of this "new" information. El libro de los abrazos: Marking Time in a Culture of Amnesia. Comedia Nacional de Uruguay. Sala Verdi, Montevideo, 26 July Aldo Marchesi, et al. Breve historia de la dictadura, Ediciones de la Banda Oriental,